Hayward, Max, translator. On Trial: The Soviet State versus "Abram Tertz" and "Nikolai Arzhak." New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1966.
Intro:
made it to WEst by "undisclosed channels, but is of indubitable authenticity." (1)
on Sinyavsky: "It is true that, like most Russian intellectuals of his generation, he was deeply affected by Khrushchev's revelations at the 20th Party Congress in 1956 about the horrors of the Stalinist past, and reacted with all the inevitable outrage of one who had, albeit with some qualms of intellect and conscience, beleieved. This was a turning point for many younf Russians, who had hitherto tended to excuse the excesses of the Stalin era on the grounds of revolutionary expediency." 4
arrested on Sept. 13, 1965
"For the next two months, numberous anxious inquiries, both public and private, from leading Wester writers and organizations were addressed to Kosygin, Surkov (Secretary of the Union of Soviet Writers) and others. They were met by silence. Only on November 22 did Surkov (Secretary of the Union of Soviet WRiters) and others. They wre met by silence. Only on Novemeber 22 did Surkov admit the arrests at a press conference in Paris, at the same time giving a solemn assurance that 'legality' would be observed. (22)
"Ivestia tried to run a follow-up campaign of 'massive indignation' in response to Eremin's article. but it could produce only three or four rather unconvincing expressions of outrage from an ill assorted collection of 'average citizens.' The classical orchestration was lacking." (25)
"There were several unusual features about it and in one respect it was unprecedented, namelt, that it was the first time in the history of the Soviet Union that writers had been put on trial for what they had written." (26)
"The second unusual feature was a striking difference in the way the case was reported in the fovernment newspaper Ivestia and the way it was reported in the party newspaper Pravda....The pieces are writeen in the classical style of the Russian satirical feuilleton, speak with heavy sarcasm of the accused, quote their words in order to mock them, and in general assume the guilt of the two men before the court reached its verdict. The defendants are presented as cowwardly felons who squirmed under the withering attack and the iron logic of the prosecution." (27)
More available about illegality of trial on 27
"The third unusual feature of the trial is that the accused did not plead guilty. This evidently took the prosecution by surprise and may partly explain the the very maladroit handling of of the trial, and the gingerly way in which it was reported by Pravda." (28)
"What is tragic about this trial is not only that the two men have been tried and sentenced for heresy, sacrilege and blasphemy, but that the trend toward and improvement in the administration of justice, the frequently expressed desire to do away with 'distortion of justic; as part of Stalin's legacy-- all this has recieved a sever setback. Sinyavsky and Daniel's trial could have been a test case to show that 'socialist legality' had really been established, that the earnest debate among Soviet jurists in recent years about the need to see that due legal procedures wer observed really counted for something." (32)
Article 70: "Agitation or propaganda carried out with the purpose of subverting or weakening the Soviet refime or in order to commit particularly dangerous crimes against the state, the dissemination for the said purposes of slanderous inventions defamatory to the Soviet political and social system as well as the dissemination or production or harboring for the said purposes of literature of similar content, are punishable by imprisonment for a period of from sic months to seven years and with exile from two to five tears, or without exile, or by exile from two to five years." (42)
"In the novel The Trial Begins, Sinyavsky, under the guise of criticism of the cult of personality, sneers at the Soviet system and the principles of MArxism-Leninism." (45)
Daniel: "Stalin had not been dead all that long. We all remembered well what were called 'violations of socialist legality.' And I saw again all the symptoms: there was again one man who knew everything again one man who knew everything, again one person was being exalted, again one person was dictating his will to agricultural experts, artists, diplomats and writers. WE saw again how one single name appeared on the pages of newspapers and on posters, how the most banal and crude statement of this person was being held up to us as a revelation, as the quinesence of wisdom." (61)
Daniel: "Even the statutes of the Writers oUnion don't require writers to write about only novle, intelligent people." (68)
Daniel: "I was asked all the time what I wrote my story This is Moscow Speaking. Every time I replied: Because I felt there was a real danger of a resurgence of the cult of personality. To this the answer was always: What is the relevance of the cult of personality, if the story was written in 1960-61? To this I say: It was precisely in these year that a number of events made one feel that the vult of personality was being revived. This was not denied; I was not told. 'You are lying, this is not true'--my words were simply ifnored as though I had never said them." (150)
Thursday, January 12, 2012
Labels:
Daniel,
legality,
Max Hayward,
Sinyavsky,
The Trial
Wednesday, January 11, 2012
Jacoby
Jacoby, Susan. Moscow Conversations. New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1972.
"Moscow is one of the easiest places in the world for a journalist to become dishonest with himself and his readers." 15
"Dishonesty becomes a part of journalism in Moscow when correspondents fail to tell their readers about these inhibitions and the profound effect they have on a reporter's perceptions of Russian life. The reluctance of the Moscow press corps to write about its working conditions is less a conspiracy of silence than a product of frustrated resignations; an abnormal situation begins to seem quite normal after only a few months of life in Russia." 15
"Foreign correspondents do not travel as much as they would like to, partly because editors at home demand a steady flow of political news from the capital and partly because each trip involves endless bureacratic snags. A correspondent must obtain special permission from the press departmente of the Soveit Foreign Ministry if he wishes to travel outside a twenty-five mile radius of Moscow and even for some points inside the circle" 19
"THe dissenters are a small, diverse collection of people who disagree strongly on long-range goals for Russia; their main area of agreement is their determination to make the Soviet authorities observe their own laws. Their chief activity is publicizing official actions against other dissenters; they view the publicity as an important guarantee that no one will quietly disappear into prison or exile, as in the Stalin years. The dissenters naturally need foreign journalists to transmit the news of their activities to the outside world. Stories about Soviet political dissent published in foreign newspapers ensure that many Russians also hear the news." 22-23
"Some journalists are happy to consider dissidents friends as well as news sources; relationships with dissenters involve somewhat less strain and prestense than relationships with ther Russians. The skepticism about absolute truth that is characteristic of most truly educated minds in the west is completely foreign to the majority of Russians; only with a few of the dissidents did I find a common approach to intellectual questions that had nothing to do with politics." 23
"Khrushchev abolished formal censorship of correspondents outgoing news dispatches in 1961. Foreign journalists are now free to transmit their articles by telephone, Telex or cable without prior approval of a Soviet official. The authorities now attempt to censor news dispatches indirectly, through post-publication earnings, KGB harassment and the ultimate sanction of expulsion from the country. Officials in the press deparment in Soviet embassies throughout the world read articles that appear in newspapers and magazines with Moscow correspondents. If an article is both highly important and abrasive, a correspondent may receive an officialwarning from the press department in Moscow within two or three days of publication." 23
"Soviet officials are clearly furious about being unable to prevent contacts between foreign correspondents and political dissidents. The press department has established a pattern of harrassing and trying to get rid of correspondents who see dissidents frequently." 23
"Four foreign journalists were expelled from the Soviet Union during 1970; three of them had been particularly active in gathering news about political dissent and relaying it to other correspondents. Because it is difficult to arrange meetings and also because only the most urgent news is relayed over tapped phone lines, it is impractical for every correspondent to track down rach piece of dissident news himself. One or two correspondents usually meet with a dissenter and pass the news on to the rest of the Moscow press corps. Unfortunately, many spineless Moscow correspondents are only too happy to acquire the news of political dissent from their colleagues but are unwilling to incur official displeasure by meeting dissidents themselves." 23-24
26-most of the sources are intellectuals
"The reluctance to talk about Stalin today is deep and wide-spread, even amonf people who recognize the dimensions of spread, even among people who recognize the dimensions of the tragedy that befell their country under his dictatorship. Admissions of Stalin's evil, which meant the death and imprisonment of millions of Russians are not forthcoming from most Soviet citizens who grew up during that period. To acknowledge the full extent of the tragedy would be to admit complicity in horrors too great for most people even to think about: The refusal of many middle-aged Germans to admit they knew about the Nazi concentration camps is a similar reaction." 42
"Stalin was never fully toppled from his pedestal, even when Khrushchev's de-Stalinization campaign was at its height. Too many officials still in power had been the executors of Stalin's policies; indeed, many Western analysts believe Khrushchev's seriousness about de-Stalinization was the major gavtor that led to his loss of support within the Party Central Committee. After Khrushchev's partial cleansing operation, the new Brezhnev-Kosygin leadership said in effect, 'Enough is enough,' and clamped hte lid back on the sewer. " 42
"I never met a student in any part of the Societ Union who did not listen to the VOA. Although reception is hampered by jamming, Russians patiently persevere. For obvious reasons, English language broadcasts are interfered with less than Russian language runs. Many students also listened to the BBC, saying they preferred its news broadcasts because the reports were less slanted by American government propaganda. (I prefereed the BBC for the same reason in Moscow.) The student consensus, however, was that the VOA offered better music than the BBC." 94
"The girls said they did not believe everything in Soviet newspapers 'any more than you believe everything in yours.' Tanya's favorite paper was Komsomolskaya pravda, the organ of the Komsomol Central Committee.
Oskar Rabin- Unofficial painter
on Hope against Hope: "He felt that one of its greatest strengths was its recognition that what happened under Stalin was not a passing aberration--the product of one man's insanity--but a national sickness that permitted the Stalinist terrror to develop and may appear in mutant forms for generations to come." 171
"Realism is a word that loses its meaning in such an ideological context. If a painter chooses to depict a shabby apartment or a drunk, he is being a "critical realist" rather a Socialist realist, and the authorities frown on critical realism. In the Soviet Union, realism refers to reality as Soviet ideologues think it should be--not to a reality that an individual artist might perceive." 173
"Soviet papers--like books, magazines, canned food labels and every other form of printed material--are subject to official censorship. The existence of censorship does not, however, mean that every statement in every newspaper represent the official policy of the Soviet government. Pravda, the organ of the Party Central Committee, and to a slightly lesser extent Ivestia, the government newspaper, are forums for top-level statements on foreign and domestic policy. To use a favorite phrase of Stalin's, 'it is not by accident' that articles appear in Pravda and Ivestia. Columns by important political commentators sometimes reflect the official government position on important matters." 213
"Ideas for articles are initiated by party authorities, editors, reporters, outside specialists and sometimes by readers. Letters-to-the-editor columns are extremely important in Soviet newspapers; they provide what is essentially the only public forum for complaints about the way various institutions are run." 216
"Government offices often take percautions to prevent their typewriters from being stolen or used for nefarious purposes. At Vera's newspaper, every typewriter had to be locked away before the staff went home at night."234
Dmitri-college student
"At the same time all of this was rumbling around in my head, One Day came out. I thought things might have changed enough so there was actually a possibility of publishing honest writing." 237
"Dmitri's attitude toward the official writers is, quite simply that they are prostitutes. It is an attitude shared by all committted samizdatchiki and political dissidents." 242
"Moscow is one of the easiest places in the world for a journalist to become dishonest with himself and his readers." 15
"Dishonesty becomes a part of journalism in Moscow when correspondents fail to tell their readers about these inhibitions and the profound effect they have on a reporter's perceptions of Russian life. The reluctance of the Moscow press corps to write about its working conditions is less a conspiracy of silence than a product of frustrated resignations; an abnormal situation begins to seem quite normal after only a few months of life in Russia." 15
"Foreign correspondents do not travel as much as they would like to, partly because editors at home demand a steady flow of political news from the capital and partly because each trip involves endless bureacratic snags. A correspondent must obtain special permission from the press departmente of the Soveit Foreign Ministry if he wishes to travel outside a twenty-five mile radius of Moscow and even for some points inside the circle" 19
"THe dissenters are a small, diverse collection of people who disagree strongly on long-range goals for Russia; their main area of agreement is their determination to make the Soviet authorities observe their own laws. Their chief activity is publicizing official actions against other dissenters; they view the publicity as an important guarantee that no one will quietly disappear into prison or exile, as in the Stalin years. The dissenters naturally need foreign journalists to transmit the news of their activities to the outside world. Stories about Soviet political dissent published in foreign newspapers ensure that many Russians also hear the news." 22-23
"Some journalists are happy to consider dissidents friends as well as news sources; relationships with dissenters involve somewhat less strain and prestense than relationships with ther Russians. The skepticism about absolute truth that is characteristic of most truly educated minds in the west is completely foreign to the majority of Russians; only with a few of the dissidents did I find a common approach to intellectual questions that had nothing to do with politics." 23
"Khrushchev abolished formal censorship of correspondents outgoing news dispatches in 1961. Foreign journalists are now free to transmit their articles by telephone, Telex or cable without prior approval of a Soviet official. The authorities now attempt to censor news dispatches indirectly, through post-publication earnings, KGB harassment and the ultimate sanction of expulsion from the country. Officials in the press deparment in Soviet embassies throughout the world read articles that appear in newspapers and magazines with Moscow correspondents. If an article is both highly important and abrasive, a correspondent may receive an officialwarning from the press department in Moscow within two or three days of publication." 23
"Soviet officials are clearly furious about being unable to prevent contacts between foreign correspondents and political dissidents. The press department has established a pattern of harrassing and trying to get rid of correspondents who see dissidents frequently." 23
"Four foreign journalists were expelled from the Soviet Union during 1970; three of them had been particularly active in gathering news about political dissent and relaying it to other correspondents. Because it is difficult to arrange meetings and also because only the most urgent news is relayed over tapped phone lines, it is impractical for every correspondent to track down rach piece of dissident news himself. One or two correspondents usually meet with a dissenter and pass the news on to the rest of the Moscow press corps. Unfortunately, many spineless Moscow correspondents are only too happy to acquire the news of political dissent from their colleagues but are unwilling to incur official displeasure by meeting dissidents themselves." 23-24
26-most of the sources are intellectuals
"The reluctance to talk about Stalin today is deep and wide-spread, even amonf people who recognize the dimensions of spread, even among people who recognize the dimensions of the tragedy that befell their country under his dictatorship. Admissions of Stalin's evil, which meant the death and imprisonment of millions of Russians are not forthcoming from most Soviet citizens who grew up during that period. To acknowledge the full extent of the tragedy would be to admit complicity in horrors too great for most people even to think about: The refusal of many middle-aged Germans to admit they knew about the Nazi concentration camps is a similar reaction." 42
"Stalin was never fully toppled from his pedestal, even when Khrushchev's de-Stalinization campaign was at its height. Too many officials still in power had been the executors of Stalin's policies; indeed, many Western analysts believe Khrushchev's seriousness about de-Stalinization was the major gavtor that led to his loss of support within the Party Central Committee. After Khrushchev's partial cleansing operation, the new Brezhnev-Kosygin leadership said in effect, 'Enough is enough,' and clamped hte lid back on the sewer. " 42
"I never met a student in any part of the Societ Union who did not listen to the VOA. Although reception is hampered by jamming, Russians patiently persevere. For obvious reasons, English language broadcasts are interfered with less than Russian language runs. Many students also listened to the BBC, saying they preferred its news broadcasts because the reports were less slanted by American government propaganda. (I prefereed the BBC for the same reason in Moscow.) The student consensus, however, was that the VOA offered better music than the BBC." 94
"The girls said they did not believe everything in Soviet newspapers 'any more than you believe everything in yours.' Tanya's favorite paper was Komsomolskaya pravda, the organ of the Komsomol Central Committee.
Oskar Rabin- Unofficial painter
on Hope against Hope: "He felt that one of its greatest strengths was its recognition that what happened under Stalin was not a passing aberration--the product of one man's insanity--but a national sickness that permitted the Stalinist terrror to develop and may appear in mutant forms for generations to come." 171
"Realism is a word that loses its meaning in such an ideological context. If a painter chooses to depict a shabby apartment or a drunk, he is being a "critical realist" rather a Socialist realist, and the authorities frown on critical realism. In the Soviet Union, realism refers to reality as Soviet ideologues think it should be--not to a reality that an individual artist might perceive." 173
"Soviet papers--like books, magazines, canned food labels and every other form of printed material--are subject to official censorship. The existence of censorship does not, however, mean that every statement in every newspaper represent the official policy of the Soviet government. Pravda, the organ of the Party Central Committee, and to a slightly lesser extent Ivestia, the government newspaper, are forums for top-level statements on foreign and domestic policy. To use a favorite phrase of Stalin's, 'it is not by accident' that articles appear in Pravda and Ivestia. Columns by important political commentators sometimes reflect the official government position on important matters." 213
"Ideas for articles are initiated by party authorities, editors, reporters, outside specialists and sometimes by readers. Letters-to-the-editor columns are extremely important in Soviet newspapers; they provide what is essentially the only public forum for complaints about the way various institutions are run." 216
"Government offices often take percautions to prevent their typewriters from being stolen or used for nefarious purposes. At Vera's newspaper, every typewriter had to be locked away before the staff went home at night."234
Dmitri-college student
"At the same time all of this was rumbling around in my head, One Day came out. I thought things might have changed enough so there was actually a possibility of publishing honest writing." 237
"Dmitri's attitude toward the official writers is, quite simply that they are prostitutes. It is an attitude shared by all committted samizdatchiki and political dissidents." 242
Wednesday, November 16, 2011
Outline 1.3
I ) The Thaw and Refreeze
1.
The Thaw
a.
Begins with Khrushchev’s
Secret Speech
b.
Release of political
prisoners
c.
Culminates in publication
of One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovish
d.
Solzhenitsyn novel exposing
the brutality of labor camps
2.
The Refreeze
a.
Brezhnev and other party
leaders felt the Khrushchev had gone too far in denouncing Stalin
b.
There was discussion of a
partial rehabilitation of Stalin
c.
Literature that was
acceptable under Khrushchev was no longer acceptable.
i.
Solzhenitsyn’s Cancer Ward could no longer be published
in 1966, although there had been plans for it. (Jacoby, 70)
d.
The re-freeze came to head
with the trial of Sinyavsky and Daniel
i.
Sinyavsky and Daniel were
two Soviet writers arrested and put on trial for publishing their works abroad
1.
There was actually no law
prohibiting this.
ii.
The two writers were given
excessive sentences
iii.
Many observers viewed it as
the return of the Stalinist show trials
iv.
It confirmed what many
dissidents feared-there was a crackdown. (Reddaway)
II )Rise of Dissident Media
1.
The White
Book
a.
Ginzburg compiled trial
documents and related information for the Sinyavsky and Daniel trial.
b.
Circulated in samizdat
c.
Ginzburg gave a copy of it
to the KGB and bravely claimed that he had done nothing illegal as he did not
“slander” the Soviet state.
i.
There was no law
specifically prohibiting free speech. However, the state did make generous use
of Articles 70 and 190 which outlawed libeling the state.
2. “The Chronicle of Current
Events”
a.
Underground newspaper published
by a small group of dissidents, inspired by The
White Book.
i.
It reported on trials,
searches, conditions in labor camps, but very carefully did not comment on the
news.
1.
It followed the model laid
out by Ginzburg that reporting events as they happened was legal.
ii.
The staff of “The
Chronicle” had to keep their identities and production schedule a secret for
their own personal protection and to prevent KGB interference in publication.
1.
This created an internal
dilemma for many involved because it was a newspaper devoted to openness.
b.
How it was reported
i.
Made use of the dissident
network
1.
People going back and forth
from labor camps.
2.
Taking secret notes at
trials.
3.
In Issue 5 “The Chronicle”
printed specific instructions for how to give them information.
a.
“Pass it forward.”-chain
letter type deal
c.
How it was published
i.
Samizdat or
“self-published”
1.
Dissidents typed out copies
of “The Chronicle,” and passed them
along. Recipients would type more copies and pass them along.
a.
Hopkins argues that “The
Chronicle’s” typists are it’s unsung heroes.
b.
Typing was rough manual
work and it also came with great fear that the KGB could burst in at any
moment.
2.
History of samizdat
a.
Began with literature
during the age of socialist realism.
i.
Socialist realism was the
official literary doctrine. Works not following this doctrine were not
published.
b.
Samizdat allowed writers to
reclaim the realm of writing and publishing from the government.
3.
Samizdat became integral to
the dissident movement.
a.
It was one of the few
realms for open discussion.
b.
Bukovsky said he would
build a monument to the typewriter.
i.
Dissidents often speak of
their typewriters with an almost messianic tone.
ii.
The type writers gave them
back the voice that the par had censored.
iii.
Alexeyevna said that typing
parties helped to establish trust among the dissidents.
c.
Meerson-Aksenov-“awakening
of the conscious of Soviet society.”
i.
No longer would atrocities
be hidden.
ii.
Samizdat encouraged open
discussion, even if it took place on onion skin paper.
3. Foreign Publications of
“The Chronicle”
a.
Besides samizdat,
dissidents made use of “tamizdat,” literally published there.
i.
Like samizdat, this form of
publication was frequently used to publish works that were not approved for the
Soviet Union.
1.
The most notable instance
is Pasternak’s Dr. Zhivago.
2.
These texts were then often
smuggled back into the Soviet Union.
a.
The interview with
Sinyavsky details the process.
b.
As dissidents began to
emigrate, copies of “The Chronicle” began to be available all over the world,
most notably in New York and London where English language translations were
available. Hopkins explores this issue
thoroughly in his book on “The Chronicle.”
i.
London
1.
Max Hayward translated
issue no. 5 in 1968.
2.
Peter Reddaway became
involved and compiled the first 11 issues in an annotated anthology Uncensored Russia (1972)
3.
Amnesty International
London also published translated copies of “The Chronicle” beginning in 1971.
a.
Circulation reached
ii.
New York
1.
Chalidze (a dissident) was
exiled while in NY in 1972
a.
This coincided with “The Chronicle’s”
decision to stop publishing due to KGB pressure.
b.
Chalidze with financial
backing from NY businessman Ed Kline began publishing a version of “The
Chronicle” in English and Russian.
i.
Relied on sources in and
out of Soviet Union
c.
When “The Chronicle” began
publishing again in 1974, it continued printing
i.
Could get info to U.S.
leaders faster
ii.
Also printed up to 1,200
copies of each issue. Most went to Soviet Union
II ) Rise of Dissident Media
1.
The
White Book
a.
Ginzburg compiled trial
documents and related information for the Sinyavsky and Daniel trial.
b.
Circulated in samizdat
c.
Ginzburg gave a copy of it
to the KGB and bravely claimed that he had done nothing illegal as he did not
“slander” the Soviet state.
i.
There was no law
specifically prohibiting free speech. However, the state did make generous use
of Articles 70 and 190 which outlawed libeling the state.
2. “The Chronicle of Current
Events”
a.
Underground newspaper
published by a small group of dissidents, inspired by The White Book.
i.
It reported on trials, searches,
conditions in labor camps, but very carefully did not comment on the news.
1.
It followed the model laid
out by Ginzburg that reporting events as they happened was legal.
ii.
The staff of “The
Chronicle” had to keep their identities and production schedule a secret for
their own personal protection and to prevent KGB interference in publication.
1.
This created an internal
dilemma for many involved because it was a newspaper devoted to openness.
b.
How it was reported
i.
Made use of the dissident
network
1.
People going back and forth
from labor camps.
2.
Taking secret notes at
trials.
3.
In Issue 5 “The Chronicle”
printed specific instructions for how to give them information.
a.
“Pass it forward.”-chain
letter type deal
c.
How it was published
i.
Samizdat or “self-published”
1.
Dissidents typed out copies
of “The Chronicle,” and passed them
along. Recipients would type more copies and pass them along.
a.
Hopkins argues that “The
Chronicle’s” typists are it’s unsung heroes.
b.
Typing was rough manual
work and it also came with great fear that the KGB could burst in at any
moment.
2.
History of samizdat
a.
Began with literature
during the age of socialist realism.
i.
Socialist realism was the
official literary doctrine. Works not following this doctrine were not
published.
b.
Samizdat allowed writers to
reclaim the realm of writing and publishing from the government.
3.
Samizdat became integral to
the dissident movement.
a.
It was one of the few
realms for open discussion.
i.
Examples of samizdat
essays.
b.
Bukovsky said he would
build a monument to the typewriter.
i.
Dissidents often speak of
their typewriters with an almost messianic tone.
ii.
The type writers gave them
back the voice that the par had censored.
iii.
Alexeyevna said that typing
parties helped to establish trust among the dissidents.
c.
Meerson-Aksenov-“awakening
of the conscious of Soviet society.”
i.
No longer would atrocities
be hidden.
ii.
Samizdat encouraged open
discussion, even if it took place on onion skin paper.
3. Foreign Publications of
“The Chronicle”
a.
Besides samizdat,
dissidents made use of “tamizdat,” literally published there.
i.
Like samizdat, this form of
publication was frequently used to publish works that were not approved for the
Soviet Union.
1.
The most notable instance
is Pasternak’s Dr. Zhivago. (Rubenstein,
14-16)
2.
These texts were then often
smuggled back into the Soviet Union.
a.
The interview with
Sinyavsky details the process.
b.
As dissidents began to
emigrate, copies of “The Chronicle” began to be available all over the world,
most notably in New York and London where English language translations were
available. Hopkins explores this issue
thoroughly in his book on “The Chronicle.”
i.
London
1.
Max Hayward translated
issue no. 5 in 1968.
2.
Peter Reddaway became
involved and compiled the first 11 issues in an annotated anthology Uncensored Russia (1972)
3.
Amnesty International
London also published translated copies of “The Chronicle” beginning in 1971.
a.
Circulation reached
ii.
New York
1.
Chalidze (a dissident) was
exiled while in NY in 1972
a.
This coincided with “The
Chronicle’s” decision to stop publishing due to KGB pressure.
b.
Chalidze with financial
backing from NY businessman Ed Kline began publishing a version of “The
Chronicle” in English and Russian.
i.
Relied on sources in and
out of Soviet Union
c.
When “The Chronicle” began
publishing again in 1974, it continued printing
i.
Could get info to U.S.
leaders faster
ii.
Also printed up to 1,200
copies of each issue. Most went to Soviet Union
4. Western journalists
a.
Served as a liaison between
dissidents and world
i.
Jacoby writes that
dissidents were one of the few groups of Russians willing to speak with western
journalists.
ii.
The reporters in turn
spread their story to the world at large.
b.
Shared a common goal of
free, open discourse
i.
Walker argues that western
journalists were instinctively sympathetic to the plight of the dissidents
because of these shared goals.
c.
It went beyond writing
stories.
i.
Western reporters regularly
smuggled goods and information in and out of the Soviet Union.
ii.
Bought things at the
foreign goods store.
d.
Wasn’t without its
problems.
i.
Criticism on both sides
about bravery
1.
Amalrik and Solzhenitsyn
both argue that Western journalists were unwilling to risk losing their plum
positions as Moscow correspondents by corresponding with dissidents.
2.
Jacoby has the similar
thoughts on Russians who were unwilling to speak with her after finding out her
husband was an American journalist.
3.
Jacoby writes that in the
early ‘70s, the Party became much stricter with Western journalists. (23-24)
a.
Khrushchev had allowed them
to publish as they pleased.
b.
However, by the late
sixties, correspondents were regularly harassed by party press people or the
KGB.
i.
Party outlawed
correspondents with certain dissidents
ii.
By March 1971, KGB began using physical force with reporters.
e.
Expanded the dissident
audience to the west
i.
This type of coverage gave
the dissidents some leverage in the USSR.
1.
Alexeyevna writes of
Anatole Shub (Washington Post) who spotlighted Larisa Bogoraz’s poor medical
treatment in prison camp. After the article ran, her treatment improved
greatly.
5. Foreign radio
a.
Radio Free Europe, Radio
Liberty, Voice of America and BBC radio were all broadcast in the USSR.
i.
Jacoby argues that this is
why dissidents were willing to work with western journalists.
1.
Stories featured in western
papers were frequently read in their entirety over the radio.
ii.
However, by the late ‘60s,
Radio Liberty had an entire show devoted to samizdat.
1.
Puddington writes that RL
was over-run with samizdat submissions.
a.
Never solicited-illegal
b.
Hired a person whose job it
was to verify and confirm facts in samizdat. (Puddington)
2.
Regularly read issues of
“The Chronicle” over the air.
3.
Hopkins estimates that
while a typical issue of “The Chronicle” would have 1,000 to 10,000 copies in
paper and ten times as many readers, having a radio audience increased that
exponentially.
b.
Radio was particularly
useful source of dissemination for the dissidents due to it’s prominence in
Soviet society
i.
Stalin made it a goal to
have radios in every home
1.
Roth-Ey writes that this
allowed for the rise of foreign radio because it made radio listening a private
instead of a public act
a.
It was almost un-Soviet
i.
Listening to radio was now
private and international
ii.
Foreign radio was
attractive to Soviet listenters
1.
Mikkonen: Soviet radio
wasn’t even audible in large parts of the U.S.S.R.
2.
While Soviet radio was
didactic, western radio was entertaining
a.
The format mixed news and
music
3.
It was also considered a
more reliable source of information.
a.
Parta: Most people tuned
into RL for political news
b.
Samizdat programming was
the most popular under Brezhnev
4.
These two factors created a
large and diverse audience for foreign radio.
a.
Mikkonen and Parta asses
the audience in the early seventies (when the first study was done) and find a
6.
These sources gave dissidents a direct voice to the USSR and to the
world. Exposing the flaws of the Soviet system, and the Party’s abuses, to a
large public audience was radical.
III) Why dissident
media was radical
1.
The point of the
dissidents’ use of media was to demonstrate to the USSR and the world what
exactly was going on in the Soviet Union. This violated the social norms in the
USSR.
a.
This ideology of exposing
the truth first came from Khrushchev’s Secret Speech.
i.
He called for an exposure
of the Stalinist years.
ii.
However, Khrushchev’s
speech was not as radical as it first seemed.
1.
While he denounced the cult
of personality, he carefully did not mention the terror of labor camps. He only
discussed the purge of the party.
2.
While Khrushchev said
exposing the truth of the Stalinist years was necessary, he argued that it must
be done carefully and most notably, privately.
a.
He said: “We should not
wash out dirty linen before their eyes.”
iii.
This creates a
contradicting message. The idea is almost “expose the truth,” but not too much
truth.
b.
Khrushchev’s schizophrenic views
on open discussion of the Soviet system can be analyzed by his opinions on
arts.
i.
In order to get an idea of
how willing Khrushchev was to tolerate dissent, we can analyze his policy with
art.
1.
Shatz: Literature served as
the “conscious” of Russia. It was a way of expressing dissent.
ii.
It’s nearly impossible to
say what Khrushchev’s policy on the arts was. It varied wildly.
1.
Kept the policy of
socialist realism in place.
a.
Socialist realism, at it’s
most basic level, was a form of censorship.
b.
It only allowed for
“socialist” truth.
i.
Bulgakov’s novel, The Master and Margarita, written under
Stalin demonstrates the difficulty writers had writing honestly under the
doctrine of socialist realism
1.
The novel also demonstrates
how the doctrine was enforced-carrots and sticks.
a.
Idea is further explored in
Hope against Hope.
2.
It also demonstrates the
notion of “double speak.”
a.
The characters with
“official” positions do not speak the truth.
b.
This is a criticism the dissidents
had of party officials and the Soviet system, which made them take part in a
lie.
2.
While Khrushchev did not
treat artists as brutally as Stalin did, he did make clear what was and was not
acceptable for an artist in the USSR.
a.
He gave a series of speeches
of artists explaining that they were the shapers of socialism.
b.
In one speech he said that
the party would continue its policy of controlling culture.
3.
He did personally approve
the publication of One Day in the Life of
Ivan Denisovich
a.
The novel went further than
Khrushchev’s speech.
i.
It acknowledged the
existence of camps.
ii.
More importantly, it
indicted the whole Soviet system, not just Stalinism.
iii.
Jacoby details the reaction
of everyday Russians to this novel.
1.
They found it radical.
b.
It still needed to be
personally approved by Khrushchev- demonstrating the control the party
maintained on culture.
4.
Collectively, it is
difficult to find a common thread running through these decisions. Kenez says
the Party’s art policy was mainly left to the Khrushchev’s whims. We do however see that Khrushchev carefully
monitored and controlled art and dissent.
c.
The dissidents willingness
to expose their “dirty linen” to the world inherently put them at odds with the
Soviet system, which promoted “socialist truth.”
IV) The Values
Dissident Media Reflected
2.
Glasnost-Openness
a.
One of the most important
messages of One Day was the idea that
it was necessary to expose the whole truth of the Stalinist era.
i.
The novel specifically
criticizes the notion of socialist realism. It argues that truth and openness
about the past trump artistic forms.
1.
This argument is mirrored
in Sinyavsky’s On Socialist Realism.
ii.
In In the First Circle, Solzhenitsyn condemns western journalists for
keeping the truth about labor camps hidden.
iii.
In “Participation and the
Lie,” Solzhenitsyn argues that the only way to undermine the Soviet system was
to expose its lies.
iv.
Collectively, we see that
Solzhenitsyn argued for openness in discussing public affairs as a way of
b.
In reading dissident
memoirs, the same idea pops up again and again-they couldn’t stay silent about
the horrors of the Stalinist years or the current era. To do so, was to support
the system. (Shatz)
i.
The intelligentsia of the
‘30s felt that their silence enabled the rise of Stalinism (Mandelstam)
ii.
Using this model, the ‘60s
dissidents felt that if they exposed the truth about the Brezhnev years they
could prevent the rise of high Stalinism.
c.
The obsession with the use
of media demonstrates glasnost. Dissidents were caught up in promoting truth in
discussion of events, rather than the “double speak” that permeated Soviet
society.
i.
We see this in the shift
from literary samizdat to publications like “The Chronicle” and legal/political
samizdat.
1.
Politics could be discussed
openly, not just hidden behind literature.
d.
Reddaway argues that “The
Chronicle” serves as an example of free and open discussion, but also of the
right to free expression
3.
Legality
a.
One of the key goals of the
dissident movement was to call for the Soviet state to follow it’s own laws.
i.
A good deal of the out cry
over the Sinyavsky and Daniel trial was that they had broken no law. It was not
explicitly illegal to publish works abroad.
ii.
One of the catalysts for
the publication of The White Book –to
demonstrate the party’s manipulation its laws.
b.
This obsession with
legality is evident in dissident media as well.
i.
The content of “The
Chronicle” focused on trial transcripts and describing illegal searches of
apartments.
1.
It sought to demonstrate
that the Party violated it’s own laws.
a.
Issue 1 of The Chronicle makes this point explicit.
It opens by declaring that 1968 was United Nations Human Rights Year, and
juxtaposes it with Ginzburg’s trial for publishing the White Book.
i.
This type of trial was in
violation of the UN Human Rights treaty.
ii.
“The Chronicle” existed as
an example of free speech.
1.
It insisted on it’s own
legality beginning in Issue 5.
a.
Ginzburg’s model-telling
the truth is not slandering the state.
c.
The argument here is that
truth is legal, even if it is not “socialist” truth.
i.
Andrei Amalrik embodies
this idea
1.
Arrested for giving interviews to foreign
journalists under article 70.
2.
He told the KGB that he had
done nothing illegal because nothing he said was false.
3.
He argued more over that he
had an obligation to expose the truth in order to save the Soviet Union.
ii.
The rebirth of “The
Chronicle”
1.
The KGB succeeded for
briefly shutting down “The Chronicle” from 1972-1973.
2.
When it restarted, the
identities of its editors were no longer a secret. They decided to admit who they were as a way
of making a statement that nothing they were doing was illegal.
iii.
The link between truth and
legality was established early on in the dissident movement.
1.
December 5, 1968-
Constitution Day Protest on Pushkin Square
a.
Considered the birth of the
movement
2.
Ginzburg (the organizer)
and protestors called for glasnost for the trial
a.
This would make the trial
follow the rule of Soviet law.
3.
The protesters used free
speech (a protest) to call for truthfulnesss in legal proceedings.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)